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Parcurgeti articolul si realizati un reaction paper (comentariu). Pentrurealizarea acestui comentariu se va lua parcurge si suportul de curs careva va oferi posibilitatea sa integrati informatia din cadrul articolului.Comentariul va reflecta opinia dvs referitoare la cercetarea intreprinsa incadrul articolului si la rezultatele obtinute, precum si eventualele limite
ale metodei de cercetare utilizata. Comentariul trebuie sa fie redactatutilizand un limbaj stiinfitic (se va utiliza formularea impersonala) si nutrebuie sa depaseasca 1 pagina A4 (caractere de 12, Times NewRoman, scris la 1 rand). Trimiterea articolului se va face prin intermediuloptiunii Trimite referat.
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Lay representations of workplace stress: What do people
really mean when they say they are stressed?
GAIL KINMAN1, & FIONA JONES2
1Department of Psychology, University of Luton, Luton, UK & 2School of Psychology, University of
Leeds, Leeds, UK
AbstractAn individuals beliefs in relation to stress are likely to affect their perceptions, and hence their work-
related actions (such as absenteeism). In this paper, lay representations of work stress wereinvestigated utilising semi-structured interviews with 45 individuals from a range of occupations.The meaning of occupational stress, its antecedents and outcomes, and ways by which it may bemanaged were examined. Dominant factors were established through the use of thematic contentanalysis. Similarities and differences were found between lay and professional discourses on workstress. Results indicate that lay representations of occupational stress are multi-faceted. Littleconsensus was found in how participants interpreted the concept: a diverse range of personal,environmental, and societal factors was highlighted. A different (and arguably more complex) range ofdefinitions of job stress and the manner in which it impacts on individuals was revealed than has beenreported in previous studies. The causes of stress at work were perceived as being predominantlyorganisational, but the impact of stress on the employee was more salient than organisationaloutcomes. Paradoxically, secondary and tertiary stress management techniques were thought to bemore effective than interventions designed to prevent stress at work. Interviewees with line
management responsibility were more likely to emphasise individual responsibility for managingstress, most others maintained that the individual and the organisation are equally responsible. Thepotential value of examining lay representations of job stress to the discipline of Occupational HealthPsychology is discussed and suggestions for future research are made.
Keywords: lay representations, work stress, stress management, stress outcome, content analysis
Introduction
The non-specificity of the stress concept
A substantial body of research has accumulated on occupational stress. It is now generallyacknowledged that stress is the product of an imbalance between appraisals of environ-
mental demands and individual resources (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; MacKay, Cousins,
Kelly, Lee & Caig, 2004) and that stressors (i.e. environmental demands) should be
operationally differentiated from strains (i.e. responses to these demands) (Jones & Bright,
2001). Nevertheless, stress is still subject to numerous explanations from diverse academic
perspectives, and a clear distinction between stressors and strains is not always made. The
lack of consensus amongst researchers in the field is illustrated by the findings of a study
Correspondence: Gail Kinman, Department of Psychology, University of Luton, Luton, Bedfordshire LU1 3JU,UK. E-mail: [email protected]
Work & Stress, April /June 2005; 19(2): 101 /120
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conducted by Jex, Beehr and Roberts (1992) who analysed articles published in six eminent
journals in the field of organisational behaviour over a period of several years. Jex et al.
indicate that stress was defined in several ways: as a stimulus from the environment, as a
response to environmental stimuli, and as a stimulus-response relationship. In 14 per cent
of articles reviewed, however, the terms stress or stressful were either not defined or
could not be fitted into any recognisable theoretical framework. Owing to the lack of clarity
that continues to surround the meaning of stress, the continued usefulness of the constructhas been questioned (e.g. Briner, 1996; Briner, Harris & Daniels, 2004). Nonetheless,
research activity in the field has continued to grow (Jones & Bright, 2001). It could be
argued that the lack of specificity of the stress concept might be attractive to researchers, as
diverse definitions and approaches can be adopted and a wide range of potential stressors,
strains and intervening variables operationalised under its heading.
The concept of stress is not only of academic interest: its increasing salience in modern
Western society as a metaphor for human misfortune, dissatisfaction and suffering has been
documented (Helman, 1997; Mulhall, 1996). Barley and Knight (1992) argue that the rise
in popularity of stress amongst the general public is largely attributable to its broad-based
explanatory value, as it can be invoked to account for a variety of negative environmentalfactors, feeling states, physical sensations and cognitions. Although stress has now become
part of the everyday language of the workplace, little is known about lay representations of
the concept. What do people actually mean when they say that they are stressed by their
jobs? To what extent do lay theories of work stress overlap with the dominant models and
theories utilised by academics? This study aims to examine lay representations of the nature
of occupational stress, its antecedents and outcomes, and ways by which work stress can be
effectively managed. Knowledge of these issues has potential utility in the field of
occupational health psychology by providing insight into how people make sense of their
work-related wellbeing and, therefore, guiding the measurement and management of job
stress.
Lay representations of stress
Lay theories are conceptualised by Furnham (1988) as the common sense explanations
people provide for aspects of social behaviour. Their function is to establish cause-and-
effect relationships which enables one to apportion blame, praise or responsibility (p. 9).
Research that has examined lay representations of miscellaneous psychological phenomena
suggests that they are not nave and deterministic beliefs but complex and multi-
dimensional (Furnham, 1988).
It has been argued that insight into lay representations of health and illness is potentiallyvaluable (see Helman, 1985), but knowledge of how individuals interpret the concept of
stress has particular utility in the field of health psychology. There is evidence to suggest that
stress has become an important lay construct for explaining the aetiology of ailments ranging
from fatigue and menopausal symptoms to hypertension and coronary heart disease (e.g.
Aaronson & Pallikkathayil, 2003; Conboy, Domar and OConnell, 2001; French, Marteau,
Senior & Weinman, 2002; Parker, Finkel & Indice, 1993). The salience of stress as a
perceived cause of illness is emphasised in an interview study conducted by Blaxter (1997)
where participants considered it to be a more important predictor of health than healthy
behaviours (p. 752). The literature on health beliefs suggests that lay theories of health-
related concepts predict help-seeking, compliance with medical advice and other healthbehaviours. Petrie and Weinman (1997) maintain that stress is now so widely accepted as a
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cause of disease that the mere perception of the presence of a psychosocial stressor can
affect the interpretation of symptoms and the decision to seek health care (p. 38).
From the studies reviewed above, the tendency to attribute illness to stress appears to
have become commonplace: the implications of these attributions for health and disease are
considerable. Some studies suggest highlighting similarities and differences between lay and
professional discourses on stress (e.g. Clark, 2003). It is acknowledged, however, that to
some extent these theories are mutually reinforcing (Pollock, 1988). There is some evidencethat the lack of consensus amongst stress researchers as to the precise meaning of the stress
concept is also found in lay representations of the phenomenon. An analysis of data
obtained from three interview studies that explored lay conceptualisations of life stress and
illness reveals considerable variation in how the concept is understood. Participants utilised
a number of varied and creative metaphors when describing stress: such as, a heavy weight
pressing down on the individual; a state of tension such as a wire that is taut and could
suddenly snap; a speeding up of physiological processes that leads to physical breakdown;
a malfunctioning of the body as a machine; the body being under siege; a gradual wearing
out of the bodys defence systems; the depletion of essential internal resources or
reserves; and the build up of pressure that needs to be released in some manner(Helman, 1985; Hodgetts & Chamberlain, 2000; Pollock, 1988). Interviewees tended to
highlight the stressful nature of contemporary life as an explanation for ill health. More
specifically, Pollocks interviewees generally believed that stress had increased (and would
continue to do so) in response to a pathogenic society, a faster pace of life, greater pressure
to achieve, more materialism and the erosion of social support networks. The majority
maintained that stress was unavoidable and, consequently, little could be done to reduce or
manage it. Work was considered to be a significant source of stress, but certain sectors were
thought to be particularly at risk from stress-related illness: most notably, the paradigm
heart-attack case was the pressurised executive (p. 382). The pervasiveness of this
belief, and its implications for health, is illustrated in a more recent study conducted by
Clark (2003). Interviews conducted with patients who had recently experienced mycardial
infarction revealed that stress (especially work stress) was considered as having a more
influential causal role than other factors such as smoking, poor diet and lack of exercise.
Lay representations of occupational stress
Research suggests that people are more likely to attribute the stress or strain that they
experience to the work environment than other life domains (McCormick, 1997; Warr &
Payne, 1983). Considerably more insight has, however, been gained into individuals
explanatory models of life stress and health than lay representations of occupational stress.
As research reviewed in this paper suggests that representations of stress held by individualsinform their attitudes and actions, an investigation of lay theories of work stress and its
relationship with employee wellbeing has the potential to inform policy and practice relating
to how stress is managed in organisations.
Employees are likely to draw on a number of sources when forming their opinions about
work stress, including organisational policies and practices, the trade union movement and
the media. Many organisations now provide secondary and tertiary interventions of
different kinds that aim to counsel stressed individuals and/or educate employees
about stress and how best to manage it. In general, such programmes conceptualise stress
as an individual problem that must be dealt with by the employee rather than the
organisation (Wainwright & Calnan, 2002). Alternatively, trade unions have created adiscourse of stress as an occupational hazard that is structural and not attributable to
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personal incapacity (Hepburn & Brown, 2001). As Barley and Knight (1992) argue, stress
claims are especially useful in the labour movement as a way of gaining public support by
carefully articulating rhetorics of deprivation in the fight for better terms and conditions
for its members (p. 19). Primary stress management interventions are, therefore, advocated
by this sector.
The media is also responsible for popularising the concept of work stress and promoting
dominant stereotypes (Harkness et al., 2005). Self-help books on managing stress haveproliferated and are widely read by the lay public. Whereas these texts focus almost
exclusively on the individual as the agent of change, a diverse range of stress management
strategies is endorsed, for example: enhancing organisational and goal setting skills,
acquiring stress resilience, transforming a negative perspective on work into a more
positive and fulfilling attitude, and maximising work-life balance. Studies that examine
how health issues are portrayed in popular culture suggest that opinion is commonly
blended with facts derived from research (Carlson, Li & Holm, 1997). The media obtains
factually based information on occupational stress from a number of sources including
government bodies, academic studies and authorities on stress. Research funded by the
UK Health and Safety Executive and other agencies frequently concludes that workenvironments are becoming more stressful, and that a high proportion of employees are
experiencing stress-related illness (e.g. Jones & Hodgson, 1998). League tables of the most
stressful occupations have also been compiled (Johnson, Cooper, Cartwight, Donald,
Taylor & Millet, 2005). Such findings are promulgated by the media and frequently
expounded upon by media-friendly stress experts. In particular, cases where employees
(often from the public sector) have been awarded high levels of compensation for stress-
related incapacity receive considerable media exposure (Wainwright & Calnan, 2002).
Although little is known about the general message promulgated by the media in the UK,
Lewig and Dollard (2001) recently conducted a content analysis of the newsprint media
portrayal of occupational stress in Australia. Work stress was represented as an economic-ally costly epidemic that is primarily due to unfavourable workplace conditions rather than
an individual failure to cope with pressure (p. 179). Articles reviewed placed particular
emphasis on stress experienced by public sector employees such as teachers. A range of
physical and psychological outcomes of stress was highlighted. The views presented were
somewhat contradictory in that stress was portrayed in the press as a motivating force (and
therefore a good thing) that could be reduced or eliminated through a range of strategies
(implying that stress is inherently damaging). Lewig and Dollard conclude by commenting
upon the paucity of research into lay representations of work stress, and recommending that
more studies should be conducted to examine how employees themselves perceive the
concept.Diverse, potentially contradictory, messages regarding the nature of stress and how it
should be managed are likely to be disseminated by the various sources outlined above.
Some variation in lay representations of workplace stress was therefore anticipated in the
present study.
To date, only three studies can be located that have examined lay representations of
occupational stress. Cross-sectional research conducted by Furnham (1997) involved 134
workers indicating their levels of agreement with a series of statements about stress at work.
Respondents emphasised the behavioural consequences of occupational stress (e.g.
impaired productivity and performance) more frequently than psychological strains,
although anxiety, depression and fatigue were also highlighted. A number of what Furnhamtermed intra-individual factors (such as willpower), and inter-individual strategies
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(such as seeking professional help) were cited as the most effective ways of managing
workplace stress. As respondents were not given the opportunity to rate the efficacy of
structural strategies, the extent to which lay people believe that organisations are
responsible for alleviating occupational stress in their employees could not be established
from this study. This omission is surprising as surveys of various occupations suggest that
employees may place a strong emphasis on organisational responsibilities for the avoidance
and alleviation of occupational stress (e.g. Kinman, 1996; Moran & Colliss, 1995).Research conducted by Dewe and ODriscoll (2002) examined the views of 540 New
Zealand managers on the outcomes of workplace stress, the extent to which their
organisations were responsible for managing it, and the effectiveness of various interven-
tions. Open-ended questions and questionnaires were utilised. Unlike Furnhams study,
perceptions of the effectiveness of structural as well as individual stress management
strategies were assessed. Respondents indicated that job stress manifested itself in various
ways including emotional and erratic behaviour, physiological changes, absenteeism and
impaired motivation, morale and performance. Interestingly, whereas most interviewees
maintained that employees had little or no control over the factors that might induce
workplace stress, 51 per cent considered that the individual had quite a lot or totalresponsibility for dealing with stress-related problems. These findings concur with
research by Daniels (1996) suggesting that managers find secondary and tertiary
approaches more appropriate than strategies and interventions designed to proactively
manage stress.
Sharpley and Gardner (2001) interviewed 36 senior managers (predominantly male)
from large and highly successful Australian organisations about their understanding of work
stress and its impact on employees. Findings suggest that over half of the managers
interviewed perceived stress to be a response to workplace events and almost a third as a
stimulus or the events themselves. Only one participant referred to stress as a combination
of reactions and events that implied a stimulus-response relationship. Similar to Dewe andODriscolls findings, participants believed that workplace stress had an adverse impact on
employees health and functioning and on the efficiency of the organisation. Although
managers thought that stress management training should be made available to all staff, the
strategies and interventions they favoured were unspecified. The views expressed were
somewhat contradictory, however, as many interviewees maintained that employees who
admitted experiencing work-related stress and/or who participated in stress management
training risked being labelled weak and unable to cope with the demands of the job. The
findings of a study conducted by Harkness et al. (2005) suggest that employees believe that
disclosing stress at work is likely to be perceived by management as an expression of
vulnerability, weakness or incompetence.It has been suggested that lay representations of work stress held by employees are likely
to differ from those of employers. Barley and Knight (1992) maintain that managers will
tend to utilise a stress rhetoric that emphasises internal factors or individual failings,
whereas individuals with lower occupational status will refer to the concept in terms of
untenable environmental features. The studies by Sharpley and Gardner (2001) and Dewe
and Driscoll (2002) described above suggest that managers may favour an individualised
conceptualisation of stress and how it should be managed but, as yet, Barley and Knights
hypothesis remains largely untested.
Researchers are in general agreement that work stress is a serious problem in many
contemporary organisations that requires management at individual and the organisationallevels (Cooper & Cartwright, 1994). It is frequently maintained, however, that the majority
Lay representations of workplace stress 105
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of stress management interventions are ineffective (e.g. Reynolds & Briner, 1994).
The beliefs that individuals hold about stress are likely to influence how they perceive
it in the workplace, the manner in which they respond to it, how they disclose it, and
how they manage it in themselves and others. Consequently, insight into employees
interpretations of the stress concept could facilitate the development of more successful
interventions.
With few exceptions, research that has examined lay theories of stress has focused on lifestress and its relationship with health and disease. Clearly, stress can refer broadly to a
wide range of acute events (such as bereavement and relationship breakdown) and chronic
factors (such as poverty and interpersonal conflict) (Goldberger & Breznitz, 1993). Whilst
the studies reviewed above may well have encompassed concepts of work stress, this cannot
be assumed and has certainly not been made explicit. In order to investigate how people
make sense of their wellbeing in relation to their work, representations should be elicited
that are restricted to the workplace context. As a result of the few existing studies on lay
theories of work stress some knowledge has been gained, but the representations provided
in the literature are predominantly from a managers perspective. There is reason to believe
the views held by managers may differ from those of employees with no line management
responsibility (Barley & Knight, 1992). Only one study has examined lay theories of
occupational stress held by a more heterogenous group of employees (Furnham, 1997);
however, this study made a priori assumptions about the nature of work stress that
essentially constrained participants explanations.It has been argued here that individuals obtain their knowledge about the concept of work
stress from a range of sources that may promote diverse perspectives. The present study
aims to extend previous research discussed above by examining lay representations of work
stress through a more inductive framework utilising an occupationally heterogenous
sample. The research reported here set out explore areas that have the potential to aid
further understanding of employees beliefs about stress and the ways by which it should be
managed. More specifically it examined views on: the meaning of work stress; the incidence
of workplace stress; the features of work and/or individual characteristics that cause work
stress; the signs and symptoms that suggest that an employee is experiencing stress at work
and the ways by which stress can be successfully managed. This study also aimed to
examine Barley and Knights (1992) proposition that the stress rhetoric of managers and
those without line management responsibility will differ. The extent to which lay
representations of occupational stress reflect the dominant theories and variables
operationalised in work stress research will also be explored, and the implications of the
findings of this study for stress measurement and management examined.
Method
Participants
Lay representations of work stress were obtained from semi-structured personal interviews
with 45 working adults. Twenty participants were female and ages ranged from 29 to 59
(mean0/45 years, SD0/14.4 years). A range of occupations was represented (e.g. solicitor,
college lecturer, manager, secretary, journalist and caretaker). Participants were recruited
by using purposive sampling via personal and professional connections (Maxwell, 1996).
Twenty participants had line management responsibility (for numbers ranging from oneemployee to over 100).
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Measures
The questions utilised in this study were developed to obtain lay opinions on issues relating
to the meaning, causes, consequences and management of occupational stress. The
questions were open in structure, free of psychological jargon and were designed to be
neutral rather than value-laden or leading (Smith, 1995). The questions that initiated
discussion on each topic were as follows:1. What do you think the term occupational stress means?
2. Some people think there is more work stress around nowadays? To what extent do you agree
with this view?
3. Are there any particular jobs or working conditions that you think are more stressful than
others? If so, what are they, and why do you think they more stressful?
4. Are there any particular types of people that you think would be more likely to suffer from
stress? If so, what types of people are they, and why do you think they are more stressed than
others?
5. If somebody was experiencing stress at work, what would be the signs?
6. A number of things can be done to help people manage stress at work. If people are stressed atwork what do you think can be done about it?
Procedure
The questions were piloted with a small sample to ascertain that they were understandable
and elicited a free response. Participants were assured of confidentiality and anonymity.
Although it was acknowledged that they might have first-hand experience of occupational
stress, interviewees were asked to express their opinions on the concept of stress in general,
rather than disclosing their personal experiences. Interviews lasted 30/40 minutes and were
audio-taped and transcribed.
Analysis
Interview data was subjected to computer-based thematic content analysis by NuD*IST
data analysis software (Gahan & Hannibal, 1998). As recommended by Neuendorf (2002),
individual questions were used as the basic unit of analysis (or main theme areas) and
categories and sub-categories were developed from each theme. The themes and categories
derived from the data are described in the results section and quotes are provided by way of
illustration. Where appropriate, descriptive statistics (such as frequencies of key terms) are
used in order to produce a quantitative component to the analysis. To ensure reliability, aproportion of the data (c. 15 per cent) was analysed by another researcher: an acceptable
level of concordance was achieved (K0/.78).
Results
What does occupational stress mean?
Responses to this question were assigned to one of three categories depending on whether
participants had described stress as a stimulus, a response, or a stimulus-response
relationship (see Figure 1). One-third of interviewees (N0/15) conceptualised occupational
stress as a stimulus arising from negative conditions in the workplace, for example: Stress isbeing overworked and not having enough hours in the day .
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Other participants (N0/9) described workplace stress as a response to environmentalpressures. This view of occupational stress represented a deviation from a desired physical,
emotional and/or cognitive state, for example: It (occupational stress) is used when people
feel ill, discontented at work, have got health symptoms, emotional symptoms. It is usually used
when they are not how they want to be . Owing to the variance found within this category, this
data was further sub-divided into psychological/emotional, physical, cognitive and
behavioural outcomes of stress. Workplace stress was described in emotional or
psychological terms: It is a mental thing-something that is in peoples heads. An emotional
thing / not a physical pressure . The specific affective experiences of anxiety, tension,
depression, discontentment, confusion and frustration were invoked. Interviewees also
referred to stress as a result of apprehension and perceived threat: I would say stress stemsfrom fear / fear of inadequacy, fear of not being able to cope, fear of not being able to meet up to
somebody elses expectations of you at work. And: It (stress) is used when people feel threatened:
their job is threatened, they are threatened / not physically, but their way of life is under threat.
Work stress was also thought to be synonymous with other affective experiences such as:
not knowing which way to turn and feeling out of control. Participants also referred to
workplace stress as a departure from physical wellbeing; headaches, backache, digestive
problems and hypertension were among the symptoms highlighted. One interviewee
maintained that workplace stress was a disease entity in its own right: . . . a type of illness
really that needs some sort of treatment in extreme cases . Some interviewees who
conceptualised workplace stress as a response interpreted it as an impairment incognitive functioning: i.e. the inability to gain perspective and/or to think in a logical
OCCUPATIONAL STRESS
33 % (n=15)
A STIMULUS: i.e.
negative conditions in
the workplace
47% (n=21)
A STIMULUS-RESPONSE
relationship: i.e. an
interaction between working
conditions and individual
factors
20% (n = 9)
A RESPONSE: i.e.
various health and
performance-related
factors
e.g. general pressure,
heavy workload,
unsatisfactory
physical environment
Affective response:
i.e. departure from
optimum
psychological
functioning
Physical response:
i.e. departure from
physical health
Cognitive
response: e.g.
inability to think
clearly
A combination of
affective, physical
and cognitive
responses
Figure 1. Beliefs regarding the meaning of occupational stress.
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manner, for example: (Stress is) . . . being unable to concentrate very well on what you are
doing. Finally, stress was described as a combination of psychological, physical and
cognitive responses, for example: Occupational stress means tension, anxiety, some mental
problems, lack of concentration, plus physical things as well.
The majority of interviewees (N0/21), however, described occupational stress in terms
that imply stimulus-response conditions, for example: I would say stress is related to anxiety
brought about by a whole series of pressures at work. This group frequently highlighted the roleof appraisal in the perception of, and response to, stress at work, for example: I think it
(stress) means a point at which people cant cope: either their day-to-day experience doesnt match
their expectations or their past experience.
Occupational stress / a negative or positive phenomenon?
Initially, most participants (N0/36) described occupational stress in negative terms.
However, in response to a subsequent probe that asked interviewees whether they believed
that stress was necessarily a bad thing, a considerable majority (N0/38) maintained that a
certain degree of stress is unavoidable, whilst some indicated that stress at work could havepositive outcomes: A certain amount of pressure at work, a certain number of deadlines to work
to, a certain amount of difficulties, are actually good things . And: If you go through life and
everything runs smoothly it would be a bit mundane. You wouldnt keep going if some days you
didnt have a bit of stress. I think it keeps people motivated. It was suggested that experiencing
work stress could drive employees to implement necessary lifestyle changes: Work stress is a
sign that things are getting on top of you. It is not a bad thing getting stressed out because it allows
you to re-evaluate your job and helps you make decisions about what you want from your life.
Several interviewees distinguished between damaging stress and motivating stress.
The notion of a demarcation between these different types of stress was frequently invoked,
but where this line was drawn was thought to be subject to individual differences: Quite a
lot of people in very different ways seem to say that they need a certain amount of stress or a certain
amount of adrenaline to be able to function well, but others crumble at the slightest amount of
pressure. And: I think you have got to be a fairly strong character in order to cope with stress and
not let it affect you badly, but I think some people can and some people thrive on it. The impact of
acute and chronic stress at work was also differentiated, for example: As long as you can
turn things around positively in the short term then that is healthy, but if it is too much all the time
then it just grinds you down and you end up being useless at everything. Only seven participants
(c. 15 per cent of the sample) believed occupational stress was wholly damaging. One
interviewee strongly expressed the opinion that the notion of positive stress was actively
promoted by employers to serve the interests of organisations not their employees: The idea
that a certain amount of stress is good for you is a management-speak cliche . I dont think stress isgood for you / if it is good for you then it is not stress .
Has occupational stress increased?
A considerable majority of the sample (N0/41) alleged that stress at work had reached
epidemic proportions in recent years. The most common target for blame was an
unhealthy society or social changes in general that had resulted in, for example, a faster
pace of life and increased acquisitiveness. Greater expectations on the part of employees
and/or employers was also blamed for the recent intensification of stress (mentioned by
almost 50 per cent of interviewees: N0
/18). This viewpoint is illustrated by oneinterviewees comments: Stress is something that has been created out of modern society
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whereby people expect an awful lot more of themselves than they did previously-increased demands
to be an all-encompassing being.
The changing nature of work was also thought to be responsible for the recent escalation
in the incidence of workplace stress (cited by over half the sample: N0/29). The most
common explanation related to organisational downsizing and reduced levels of job
security, for example: The nature of work has changed / it has moved from a calmer
atmosphere, where there were more people to do the job and more sharing of tasks, towards fewerpeople doing more things, often for less reward. The introduction of new technology was also
thought to have led to increased stress: People have to respond quicker now-with things like
email etc. there is no time to think and reflect on your actions any more. Everything is instant.
Reference was made to the old days where people were more relaxed at work and, if
someone was unhappy in their present position she or he had a choice of other jobs. This
perspective is illustrated by one interviewee who commented on the intensified pace of work
nowadays compared to the conditions that her father had enjoyed: He had a very responsible
Senior Civil Service job, but was only expected to work from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., he got a lunch hour
and he never used to bring work home. Nowadays lunch is for wimps and you are not expected to fit
everything into normal working hours.The role of the media was emphasised in raising the profile of stress and educating the
public about the phenomenon: Stress is more in the spotlight. A few years ago, you never heard
about it-you read about it all the time now and see programmes about it on TV. For some, the
increased media exposure was positive, as it helped people to recognise signs of stress in
themselves and decide what remedial action to take. For others, however, the term was
over-used and the increase in stress claims was considered symptomatic of a culture of
blame inherent in contemporary Western society: Stress is a much-abused word that is used
far too much / people say Oh, I have got stress rather than talking about the real problem .
What are the most stressful aspects of work?
Interviewees were asked whether they considered any particular working conditions or jobs
to be particularly stressful. Almost one-third of participants (N0/14) maintained that all
jobs were potentially stress inducing: I dont think there is any type of work that is more
demanding than any other. Stacking shelves can be stressful if you are asked to do too many, the
product is too heavy, there is a boss breathing down your neck, or the time-scale is too tight. The
remaining interviewees tended to argue that some jobs were intrinsically high in stress; these
tended to involve working under conditions of physical danger, responsibility for the welfare
of others, and dealing with people who are themselves experiencing stress.
Interviewees responses relating to the stressful aspects of work were categorised into
individual factors and structural factors. Organisational stressors accounted for the majorityof statements made in response to this question (78 per cent). A number of individual
explanations for work stress (such as personality) were also provided, which accounted for
the remaining proportion of statements. Table I provides details of the sub-themes found
within each category, together with the total number of statements made within each sub-
theme.
A wide range of working conditions was considered stressful. Job insecurity was most
commonly cited as a work stressor: The fact is jobs are very hard to come by. No job these days
is secure and the trouble is that no one knows when they will be made redundant and what will
happen to them when this occurs . The stress of mundane and unchallenging work with low
utilisation of skills was more frequently cited than highly pressured managerial jobs withline-management responsibility. One interviewee commented: The stereotypical stressful job
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is managers working 12 hour days, but in reality stress is often to be found in the frustration that
people experience when they are in low level jobs where they are bored and not reaching their
potential. Lack of job autonomy was also highlighted as stressful in relation to low status
jobs: Not having any control and being bossed around and pushed around and treated with little
respect is stressful for people .
As can be seen in Table I, individual (as opposed to organisational) explanations for
occupational stress comprised 22 per cent of the total statements made. Personalitycharacteristics of the employee were most commonly specified, for example: Some people
Table I. Categories of percived occupational stressors.
Type of stressor Number of statements in categor y
Environmental stressors
(78% of overall statements made)
Job insecurity 20
Time pressures/deadlines 22Work overload 17
Boring and repetitive work 12
Lack of support 12
Responsibility for welfare of others 11
Lack of job control 11
Lack of resources 11
Conflict with manager/co-workers 10
Dealing with stressed people 10
Long working hours 9
Physical danger or risk 7
Role ambiguity 7
Management jobs 6
High expectations of other people 6
Organisational change 6
Lack of reward/appreciation 5
Lack of training or guidance 4
High powered job 3
New communication technology 3
Poor management 3
Conflict with colleagues 2
Dealing with difficult people 2
Lack of equal opportunities 2
Open-ended jobs 2
Poor management 2
Physical surroundings 2Skills not recognised/utilised 2
Individual stressors
(22% of overall statements made)
Personality 25
Role conflict/work-home spill-over 10
High expectations of self 6
Lack of person/environment fit 5
Cannot meet personal standards 3
Feeling trapped 3
Feeling inadequate 2
Feeling undervalued 2
Lack of achievement 2
Over involvement 2
Poor time management skills 2
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almost invite stress upon themselves, whereas others are somehow able to ride through whatever
happens with no difficulty. The roles of high self-expectations and a poor fit between the
individual and the organisation in generating work stress were also emphasised: Some
people set such high standards for themselves that they can never really achieve. And: It could be
that you and the job dont match-you are a square peg in a round hole .
What are the outcomes of occupational stressors?
Interviewees maintained that work stress affected employees in various ways. Statements in
response to this question were allocated into four categories: psychological, behavioural,
physical and cognitive. As can be seen in Table II, the psychological consequences of stress,
most notably anxiety, were most commonly emphasised (29 per cent of total statements
made in response to this question).
The negative impact of work stress on physical health was also commonly highlighted by
interviewees (23 per cent of statements made). Stress was thought to result in physical
Table II. Categories of perceived outcomes of occupational stressors.
Outcomes Number of statements
Psychological outcomes
(29% of total statements made)
Tension/anxiety/worry 26
Depression/unhappiness 10
Sleeplessness 7
Lack of motivation 7
Nervous breakdown 4
Personality change 2
Apathy 2
Behavioural outcomes(26% of total statements made)
Irritability/being argumentative 18
Marital difficulties 14
Absenteeism 6
Less sociable 8
Early retirement 2
Complaining 2
Physical outcomes
(23% of total statements made)
Poor physical health 16
Tiredness 10Aches and pains 7
Blood pressure 5
Digestive problems 5
Heart disease 2
Cognitive outcomes
(22% of total statements made)
Poor standard of work/making mistakes 20
Poor concentration 10
Irrational thoughts/lack of perspective 6
Less organised 2
Difficulty prioritising 2
Confusion 2
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illness in general and tiredness, aches and pains and digestive problems in particular. More
serious physical health problems such as heart attacks and hypertension were mentioned
less frequently.
A further 26 per cent of statements related to behavioural outcomes of occupational
stress, with irritability with co-workers and family most frequently cited as well as reduced
levels of sociability. The impact of stress at work on work-life balance in general, and
personal relationships in particular, was emphasised: for example, often peoples work performance is the last to suffer because of the pressure of losing their job-so the home life and the
social life suffer before the work does. And: If you take the job home with you, you live it all the
time / you cant relax at home when you are with your family and friends . The role stress
experienced by working mothers was also reflected upon by one interviewee: It must be very
stressful trying to be everything at the same time. Women trying to be mums, trying to be wives,
trying to be working better than other people. Another participant, however, challenged this
perspective: When I read the papers and I see women talking about the problems they have
combining work and children, I think well, millions of women all over the world do it and have
done it for centuries / so why is it called stress now ? It should perhaps be mentioned that these
both of these interviewees were female and both had children.Workplace stress was also thought to impact on the employees cognitive functioning (22
per cent of statements) leading to a reduction in performance, difficulties concentrating and
irrational and disordered thinking. The cumulative nature of work stress was emphasised
where a negative impact in one domain can lead to disruptions in functioning in others: this
Table III. Stress management strategies.
Strategies Number of statements
Individual strategies
(76% of statements made)
Time management/personal organisation 9
Self analysis/inward/introspection 8
Counselling/disclose emotions 7
Exercise 6
Look after yourself (diet, sleep) 5
Hobbies/interests/leisure 5
Depends on the individual (what works) 4
Change your reaction/attitude 4
Medication/medical advice 3
Change jobs 2
Control own workload 2
Relaxation 2
Talk to your manager 2Slow down 2
Dont get too involved 1
Organisational strategies
(24% of statements made)
More control, info and knowledge 6
Organisational in general 4
Reduce workload 2
Job enrichment/involvement 2
Investigate sources 2
Change work 2
More resources 1
Lower expectations 1
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viewpoint was exemplified by one interviewee: Stress at work can be a vicious circle. People
worry that they worry and find themselves waking up at 2 a.m. and cant get back to sleep. Then if
they havent had a good nights sleep through worry, their health suffers and their performance is
worse.
The management of occupational stress
Table III presents the methods of stress management that were mentioned by participants.
More statements were made relating to individually focused strategies (76 per cent) than
organisational interventions to manage stress. As can be seen, a range of secondary ortertiary strategies was believed to be beneficial, such as developing more effective
organisational skills, self-examination and counselling. Nominating introspection as the
most constructive method of managing stress, one participant observed: People dont ask
themselves simple questions-one should look inwardly and say why am I stressed? Do I eat properly?
Did I go to bed at a reasonable time last night? Did I get enough sleep? There is a whole load of
factors involved in creating stress. I think before you start shouting out you have to look in.
Further individually focused strategies that were highlighted included taking regularexercise, pursuing interests and hobbies, alternative remedies, and taking medication.
Primary strategies for managing stress were mentioned less frequently: these included
increasing job control, reducing workload and enriching jobs.
Almost half of the sample (N0/22) asserted that the employee should be the sole focus of
change, whereas a small minority of interviewees (N0/6) believed that stress should be
managed solely by the organisation. Amongst the latter group, some concern was expressed
that emphasising individual responsibility for dealing with work stress was likely to have
deleterious consequences for the individual, for example: I think the causes of workplace stress
are often structural and it adds to the stress of people to make them think that if they go on a stress
management course that is the end of their problem. That is damaging. Over one-quarter of the
sample (N0/12) alleged that it was the joint responsibility of the employee and the
organisation to manage workplace stress: It is a two way thing, the person needs to be able to
cope and the job needs to be cope-able with . Within this group, opinions were expressed that
the range of options available for the employee to manage stress was dependent on the level
of control she or he has over the nature of her or his work: Some people are able to change their
lives, or do less work. Other less fortunate people are trapped where they are without any choice .
Several interviewees in this category indicated that if the job cannot be made less stressful,
the individuals reaction to the situation should be changed. The importance of finding some
sort of catharsis in other areas of life was emphasised: If work factors cant be changed, you
could have a release mechanism / it helps to have some sort of safety valve if there arent any
alternatives .The remaining interviewees (N0/5) maintained that occupational stress was unavoidable
under current working conditions and that nothing could be done to manage it. One such
respondent (a female solicitor) indicated that stress was a price that individuals had to pay
for success at work: The more money you earn the more stress you are under / you dont get
something for nothing!
The impact of occupational status on lay representations of work stress
Interviewees without line management responsibility tended to describe stress either in
terms of a stimulus arising from untenable job conditions or a stimulus-responserelationship. Conversely, management grades were more likely to refer to the concept as
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an individual response (x20/13.51, pB/.001). Furthermore, for participants with line
management responsibility, managing stress was generally believed to be an individual
concern, not the responsibility of the organisation: this group indicated that secondary and
tertiary strategies were more salient. Interviewees from the lower grades of employment
maintained that successful stress management would involve a combination of individual
and organisational strategies (x20/14.94, pB/.01).
Discussion
In accordance with research that has investigated lay theories of other psychological
phenomena (e.g. Furnham, 1988), the representations of occupational stress found in the
present study are not nave beliefs about cause and effect, but sophisticated and multi-
faceted. No clear consensus was found in how work stress was interpreted: participants
referred to a diverse array of personal, environmental, and social factors when defining the
concept and placed different weighting on the roles these factors play in the antecedents and
outcomes of stress. Parallels were apparent between the lay accounts revealed here and
theories of stress that have been developed in the scientific literature.A different (and arguably more complex) pattern of definitions was found in the present
study than in previous investigations of lay theories of the impact of life stress in general
(Helman, 1985; Pollock, 1988). Studies of managers representations of work stress
conducted by Dewe and ODriscoll (2002) and Sharpley and Gardner (2001) suggest that
they tend to refer to the concept in rather simplistic terms as either a stimulus (a stressor: i.e.
the demands of the working environment) or a response (a strain: i.e. a physical,
psychological and/or behavioural reaction to these demands). Although interviewees in
the present study described the phenomenon in this manner, the most common definition
of work stress found here referred to it in terms of an interaction or transaction.
Accordingly, the views represented in this study are a more accurate reflection of
contemporary theorising where work stress is generally seen as residing neither solely in
the individual nor in the environment but in the transaction between the two (Dewe &
ODriscoll, 2002, p. 156). Differences between the representations of work stress held by
managers and those without management responsibility (and the implications of these
differences for research, policy and practice) will be examined further below.
In accordance with Lewig and Dollard (2001), who examined newspaper coverage of the
phenomenon, work stress was perceived to be positive and functional as well as a negative
feature of the workplace. Some insight into this ambiguity has been provided in the present
study. Interviewees frequently referred to a boundary between beneficial and damaging
stress: where this line was drawn was believed to be subject to individual and environmental
factors. In some cases, work stress was also believed to be protective and functional, as its
presence could signify that a change of lifestyle was necessary. Again, such a view
corresponds with a transactional approach where individual appraisal is an inextricable part
of the stress process. In differentiating between positive and negative stress, some
participants distinguished between the impact of acute and chronic work stressors: in the
short term, stress was portrayed as a positive factor that could help the individual to attain
peak performance. Over the long term, however, experiencing stress at work was generally
believed to erode the individuals physical and/or psychological integrity. This reflects the
prevailing view amongst researchers that chronic work stressors are likely to result in ill
health. The finding that work stress can be viewed in positive as well as negative terms
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should be contrasted with the tendency amongst researchers to conceptualise the
phenomenon in wholly negative terms.
Interviewees almost invariably maintained that work stress had become endemic, and
that the pathogenic nature of contemporary life was to blame. Such views support those
expressed in an interview study conducted by Pollock in 1988 that examined lay
representations of the relationship between life stress and health. A number of additional
explanations for the increase in workplace stress were revealed in the present study,however, that provides more insight into the phenomenon. These encompassed individual,
organisational and societal factors including unrealistic self-expectations, increasing
demands from employers, a faster pace of work and a general rise in job insecurity.
In accordance with Lewig and Dollard (2001) the findings of the present study highlight
the role of the media in raising awareness of occupational stress and in promoting dominant
ideologies of the phenomenon. Insight has been gained, however, into how working people
view representations of the stress concept that are disseminated by the media. Some
interviewees maintained that the term has become over-used and somewhat abused; the
media and a general culture of blame inherent in contemporary society were thought to
be responsible. Such views are in contrast with those reported by Harkness et al. (2005),where female clerical workers believed that the attention paid to stress by the media was
generally a positive factor. The marked emphasis on socio-cultural aspects of work stress
found in this study stands in contrast with the individualistic and essentialist perspective
that underpins much research in the field of occupational stress. Such findings lend support
to Barley and Knight (1992) and Reynolds and Briner (1994) who assert that, as stress does
not arise in a political and ideological vacuum, it cannot be investigated in a meaningful way
by abstracting the individual from her or his cultural context.
Analysis of the findings of previous studies of how work stress is represented by employees
suggests that the stereotypical stressed individual is a business executive who is
experiencing chronic work overload (Pollock, 1988; Furnham, 1997; Lewig & Dollard,2001). Although the stressful nature of work underload has been acknowledged (see Jex,
1998), research in the field of occupational stress commonly portrays high workload and
intensive work pace as the most significant stressors experienced in contemporary
organisations (e.g. Sparks, Cooper, Fried, and Shirom, 1997). In the present study, an
individual working in an under-stimulating job with little autonomy was generally believed
to be more at risk of job stress. Such views are consistent with Karaseks job strain model
(Karasek, 1989), and also with research findings of the Whitehall Study that utilises this
model (Bosma, Marmot, Hemingway, Nicholson, Brunner & Stansfeld, 1997). The
findings of the present study may indicate that recent psychological research on occupa-
tional stress has had a demonstrable impact on lay theorising-possibly through mediadissemination of research findings. It is clear, however, that lay representations of work
stress will not remain static but will reflect the rapidly changing demands faced by employees
in contemporary working environments. The recent growth of the service sector may mean
that the low levels of job autonomy and lack of skill utilisation inherent in this work have
recently become more salient sources of strain to the lay public than overloaded executives.
Although the causes of occupational stress were perceived as being predominantly
organisational (as opposed to individual), in accordance with Furnham (1997) the impact of
stress on the employee was more frequently emphasised than organisational outcomes. Some
organisationally relevant consequences were salient, however: one-quarter of interviewees
nominated absenteeism as a likely outcome of occupational stress, and one-half emphasisedits negative impact on performance. Interestingly, Furnham (1997) did not include these
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factors in his study of lay representations of occupational stress stating that people do not
readily mention them (p. 77).
Perceptions of a strong causal link between work stress and ill health were commonly
expressed. Interviewees were more likely to associate the concept with minor psychosomatic
complaints such as headaches and fatigue, than more serious conditions such as
hypertension and coronary heart disease. This is surprising, as recent research that has
examined causal attributions held by patients with coronary heart disease suggests that
stress (particularly work overload and type of occupation) is one of the most common
explanations for the onset of the disorder (Clark, 2003; Petrie & Weinman, 1997). Research
findings that associate chronic work stressors with cardiovascular problems are also well
publicised by the British Heart Foundation and the American Heart Association, and by
health care providers. It is possible that individuals who are diagnosed with life-threatening
disorders engage in post hoc rationalisations as to the likely cause of their illness, and stress
at work is a popular target for blame. This notion should be further explored.
Depression and anxiety were most commonly nominated as the potential outcomes of job
stress. The more specific (but non-clinical) affective states of boredom, frustration, guilt
and fear were also thought to be synonymous with the experience of occupational stress, as
were emotionally-laden judgements such as feeling exploited, inadequate and out of
control. These findings support and extend those of exploratory research by Gourlay,
et al., (1998) who investigated the subjective experiences associated with feeling stressed
at work. Briner (1996) maintains that labelling an individual as stressed is essentially
meaningless since the concept is so vague. He argues that insight into the range of affective
phenomena associated with the stress concept is likely to provide greater insight into the
relationship between work and wellbeing than the amorphous construct of stress. The
results of the present study suggest that the popularity of the stress concept may be
attributable to how it can be utilised to express dissent or distress whilst avoiding the overt
expression of more complex emotions and feeling states that may be perceived as
pathological (and thus socially unacceptable). This would imply that the stress concept
serves a useful purpose for workers who may value its non-specificity as suggested by Barley
and Knight (1996). The popularity of the term stress suggests that individuals will continue
to utilise it in order to describe their everyday experiences and feelings. Rather than
abandoning the stress concept altogether, a fruitful avenue for research may be to examine
how and why individuals use this label to describe themselves and others in various
occupational contexts and what they actually mean when they use it.
As the present study finds the perceived causes of workplace stress to be predominantly
organisational, it might be expected that structural strategies to proactively manage stress at
work would be favoured. Surprisingly, however, a significant majority of interviewees
highlighted the effectiveness of secondary forms of stress management (where the burden of
responsibility is placed on the individual rather than the organisation). It appears that whilst
organisations are believed to be mainly responsible for engendering stress in their
employees, it is the employees responsibility to deal with it. This implies that stress should
not be prevented (primary intervention) but the symptoms of strain should be treated. In
this sense, the views of this heterogenous sample of workers reflect those held by a group of
managers recently surveyed by Dewe and ODriscoll (2002). They are, however, counter to
those expressed in research conducted by Harkness et al. (2005), where female clerical
wokers perceived stress management training (such as employee assistance programmesand counselling) to be irrelevant and unrealistic.
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Some evidence was found to support Barley and Knights proposition (1992) that lay
theories of stress will differ according to occupational status. Individuals with line
management responsibility were more inclined to emphasise individual responsibility for
managing stress, but few interviewees from the lower grades favoured a purely structural
approach. It was generally maintained by employees without line management responsi-
bility that the individual and the organisation are equally responsible for dealing with stress
at work. The findings of this study suggest that gaining insight into lay representations ofstress at different levels of the organisational hierarchy is potentially useful to occupational
health psychologists. The beliefs and attitudes that individuals hold shape their expectations
and resultant behaviour (Furnham, 1997, p.68). Managers beliefs and attitudes regarding
work-related stress and its impact on employees will determine the culture of the
organisation and inform its policies and practices on dealing with stress, whereas
employees beliefs and attitudes will determine which policies and practices are likely to
be resisted and which may be successful. Lay representations of stress could augment, and
potentially enrich, audits of occupational health by providing insight into the stress culture
of an organisation, together with the attitudes of employees towards different strategies for
managing stress. This may help employers design and introduce interventions that are morecongruent with managers and employees representations.
Although some general themes were revealed in this study, the idiosyncratic nature of
definitions of stress found here, together with perceptions of its situational determinants
and outcomes, challenge current approaches to theorising about stress in terms of general
elements and common perceptions. It could be argued that stress has evolved into a flexible
concept with a marked ideological component that can be employed to support whatever
position individuals and institutions wish to adopt. This suggests that future research
should adopt a more nomothetic perspective that examines personal constructions of stress
by individuals and within particular working contexts. The challenges inherent in such an
approach are, however, acknowledged.
In particular, future research should further examine the structure of lay representations
of the relationship between work stress and health. The individual uses lay beliefs, not only
to interpret the nature of the threat a particular illness may pose, but also to determine the
type of action she or he might use to mitigate this threat. Lay representations of workplace
stress, therefore, are likely to have a profound impact on the individuals perceptions and
experience of health symptoms and on determining the type of remedial action that she or
he might take. The manner in which an individual conceptualises occupational stress may
also influence their work-related actions, such as absenteeism, seeking promotion and
turnover intentions.
Finally, health and human resource professionals should be aware of the nature and
variety of lay conceptions and meanings of stress. Indeed, representations of work stress andits management should be investigated in these groups. The term is frequently used in
health-care and occupational settings without regard for the powerful (and varied)
connotations it may hold for the individual.
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